Hafez al-Assad seized control of the Syrian presidency in 1970 through an internal coup d’etat. To consolidate his power he jailed opponents within his own Ba’ath Party and made sure no other political groups could gain any traction.
The usual repressive machinery of dictatorships was soon in operation; secret police, jail cells, torture chambers, and death squads. President Assad also embarked on a cult of personality campaign portraying himself as the irreplaceable father of the nation as documented by Lisa Wedeen in her book Ambiguity of Domination (University of Chicago Press, June 1999).
Muslim Brotherhood Protests Syrian Regime
Sickened by Assad’s repression Syrians began protesting in the mid-1970s, guided by the conservative Muslim Brotherhood. The Brotherhood had long been an opponent of Assad’s Ba’ath Party, which was secular and nationalistic.
In his 1989 book Asad, the Struggle for the Middle East (University of California Press) Patrick Seale described the western Syrian town of Hama as a Muslim Brotherhood “stronghold.” The Islamists carried out hit-and-run bombing attacks against government targets and almost pulled off the assassination of Assad in 1980. The president’s reaction was quick and brutal; within a few hours of Assad’s escape as many as 1,000 political prisoners were executed in their jail cells.
Syrian Opposition Continues its Campaign
Despite Assad’s violent revenge, guerrilla attacks continued. In February 1982, an army patrol ran into an ambush in Hama; the president decided it was time for an example to be made that the protesters would not forget.
Reinforcements were rushed into the town and Islamic militants rose in a rebellion against the government, attacking the houses of officials and Ba’ath Party members. The townspeople were no match for the tanks, artillery, and warplanes of Assad’s heavily armed military.
Massacre in Hama
The Syrian Human Rights Committee (“Massacre of Hama (February 1982) Genocide and a Crime Against Humanity”) reports that, “The canons and rocket launchers bombed the city haphazardly for four continuous weeks, during which the city was sealed off and the citizen’s exit was not permitted.”
On February 6, the people of one district were herded onto a soccer field where they were shot; “then they (the soldiers) raided the houses and killed everyone there. They robbed the people of their belongings. Some sources estimate the victims of the district to be around 1,500.”
Estimates of the total number of dead vary from 30,000 to 40,000. The effect was what President al-Assad desired; the Muslim Brotherhood was weakened and demoralized and the people browbeaten into submission.
Dynasty in Syria
Hafez al-Assad died in his bed of a lung ailment in 2000 and was succeeded by his son Bashar. The new president has governed for more than a decade without the democratic assent of Syrians and using all the tools of repression set up by his father.
The Arab Spring that has seen autocrats leave power in Tunisia and Egypt has provoked a more muted call for freedom in Syria. Many of the protests have come in the southern city of Daraa and Katherine Marsh of The Guardian (“Syrian Regime Launches Crackdown by Shooting 15 Activists Dead,” March 24, 2011) describes the response:
“…security forces opened fire on people in three separate incidents, according to human rights activists.”
The Sydney Morning Herald’s Adrian Blomfield (“Syrian Protests Put Regime on Back Foot,” March 26, 2011) put the death toll at 37 and added, “More than 20,000 protesters marched through the city of Daraa, denouncing the Assad regime as ‘traitors,’ in scenes not seen in Syria for nearly 20 years.”
Bashar al-Assad has shown signs he may be willing to negotiate with dissenters but history suggests more violence is likely.
Author Sunil S.
The usual repressive machinery of dictatorships was soon in operation; secret police, jail cells, torture chambers, and death squads. President Assad also embarked on a cult of personality campaign portraying himself as the irreplaceable father of the nation as documented by Lisa Wedeen in her book Ambiguity of Domination (University of Chicago Press, June 1999).
Muslim Brotherhood Protests Syrian Regime
Sickened by Assad’s repression Syrians began protesting in the mid-1970s, guided by the conservative Muslim Brotherhood. The Brotherhood had long been an opponent of Assad’s Ba’ath Party, which was secular and nationalistic.
In his 1989 book Asad, the Struggle for the Middle East (University of California Press) Patrick Seale described the western Syrian town of Hama as a Muslim Brotherhood “stronghold.” The Islamists carried out hit-and-run bombing attacks against government targets and almost pulled off the assassination of Assad in 1980. The president’s reaction was quick and brutal; within a few hours of Assad’s escape as many as 1,000 political prisoners were executed in their jail cells.
Syrian Opposition Continues its Campaign
Despite Assad’s violent revenge, guerrilla attacks continued. In February 1982, an army patrol ran into an ambush in Hama; the president decided it was time for an example to be made that the protesters would not forget.
Reinforcements were rushed into the town and Islamic militants rose in a rebellion against the government, attacking the houses of officials and Ba’ath Party members. The townspeople were no match for the tanks, artillery, and warplanes of Assad’s heavily armed military.
Massacre in Hama
The Syrian Human Rights Committee (“Massacre of Hama (February 1982) Genocide and a Crime Against Humanity”) reports that, “The canons and rocket launchers bombed the city haphazardly for four continuous weeks, during which the city was sealed off and the citizen’s exit was not permitted.”
On February 6, the people of one district were herded onto a soccer field where they were shot; “then they (the soldiers) raided the houses and killed everyone there. They robbed the people of their belongings. Some sources estimate the victims of the district to be around 1,500.”
Estimates of the total number of dead vary from 30,000 to 40,000. The effect was what President al-Assad desired; the Muslim Brotherhood was weakened and demoralized and the people browbeaten into submission.
Dynasty in Syria
Hafez al-Assad died in his bed of a lung ailment in 2000 and was succeeded by his son Bashar. The new president has governed for more than a decade without the democratic assent of Syrians and using all the tools of repression set up by his father.
The Arab Spring that has seen autocrats leave power in Tunisia and Egypt has provoked a more muted call for freedom in Syria. Many of the protests have come in the southern city of Daraa and Katherine Marsh of The Guardian (“Syrian Regime Launches Crackdown by Shooting 15 Activists Dead,” March 24, 2011) describes the response:
“…security forces opened fire on people in three separate incidents, according to human rights activists.”
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The Sydney Morning Herald’s Adrian Blomfield (“Syrian Protests Put Regime on Back Foot,” March 26, 2011) put the death toll at 37 and added, “More than 20,000 protesters marched through the city of Daraa, denouncing the Assad regime as ‘traitors,’ in scenes not seen in Syria for nearly 20 years.”
Bashar al-Assad has shown signs he may be willing to negotiate with dissenters but history suggests more violence is likely.
Author Sunil S.
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